Wednesday, July 8, 2009
Monsoon blues
All the bluff and bluster of services driven, $1 trillion economy comes apart, almost minute by minute, as the monsoon gets delayed.
Unlike the G 7 countries, where a miniscule per cent of people survive on the farm, in India and China more than one thirds of people survive on the mercy of the land. And unlike China, India is a democracy. Already there are protests in Uttrakhand and Madhya Pradesh on water shortages, these could just be starters should the Monsoon fail. The Monsoon is the umbilical cord of the Indian economy - even 60 years after independence - that cord has not been cut.
While estimates differ, there is a broad agreement among economists that the monsoon determines at least two per cent of GDP growth for India. In the context of the slowdown, a bad monsoon can be a disastrous. Even more so because so far buoyant rural demand has allowed India to grow at more than 6 per cent per year.
The share of the Monsoon fed agriculture in total output in India according to official statistics is at 18 per cent. The trick is the number of people dependent on it - and that is overwhelming. A government that swears by the national employment guarantee scheme cannot afford bad rains.
A failed monsoon will put pressure on FMCG’s, the sensex as well as tertiary sectors such as transport and storage. It will also curtail any food grain export hopes India may have harbored and put pressure on the trade deficit by encouraging imports.
“Monsoon is critical. It is a trigger not just for the FMCG sector but also for the economy. I believe that if the Monsoon fails, it shaves off the demand. At the end of the day a good one percent of the economy as a whole gets written off.”, comments Chennai based C K Ranganatan of Kavin Care, India’s second largest shampoo firm.
And it is not just the shampoo or the soaps we may suffer. We could be all in the dark. After all that fancy engineering with massive dams like Tehri, there is a 34 per cent deficit in India’s dammed reservoirs already. Bad rains will mean North India in a partial eclipse.
India’s hope of keeping the recession away was counting on the fact that we have robust domestic demand - but that too may be hit with a bad monsoon. The cumulative effect of an economic slowdown and a bad monsoon can be deadly.
To sum up, if as you read this and if it is not raining, be prepared for a longer economic downturn. A lack of money supply can be made up with the monetary policy, lack of bank loans interest rates can take care of – but short of hiring the American Indians - rains will be tough to come by.
Friday, June 26, 2009
the china threat to india
Deng Xiaoping was given to one liners. He famously said that "you should cross the river by feeling for the pebbles" To take the analogy further, the river, or rather the gulf, between a rising belligerent China and an insecure India is a fast flowing torrent and the pebbles are sharp. The relationship between the two countries as they rise from a colonial past to a future as emerging giants is the biggest story of the 21st century.
It is a story of new global competition and old deep seated bilateral suspicions, of economic growth yet diplomatic distance. Of dangerous unsettled borders and a potent arms race. It is a tale of international alliances diplomacy trying to off set regional intrigues.
In other words, a great game with Chinese characteristics is playing out. It is apparent in
India has a legitimate fear of this rising giant but from its economic policy and diplomatic maneuvering very little it seems by the way of strategy. A rising
The latest example of that rivalry was the NSG waiver where
However this has been the pattern ever since the 1962 war.
This new great game has four parameters - economic, military, diplomatic and bilateral relations particularly the vexed border question. There is also need to look at
1. Here comes the hot stepper - The Chinese economic Threat
The great leap ahead of
However beginning from the mid 1980's dramatic change unfolded in
Foreign direct investment in
Many optimists believe that the growth of trade between China and India will mitigate the differences between the two Asian giants While it is true that trade has indeed grown from just $2 billion in 2000 to over $ 25 billion in 2007, an annual growth rate of about 45 % it has not been all positive for India.
A closer examination of numbers provides a grimmer picture.
The other reason why India Inc finds it difficult to deal with
In the economic sphere there are two other dimensions
No where is this more in play then
So what should
The other great competition where
Says a
Clearly The Chinese are closer then they appear in
2. The Sino Indian border question - The line of no control
As flashpoints go the Sino Indian border is potentially the most dangerous in the world. If there is one dispute between the two countries that could turn volatile any time it is the border question.
The root problem of the border issue is in the year 1962 when
The Chinese and Indians positions on the border dispute have an amazing simplicity. The only problem is that they are totally at odds.
The Chinese position is premised in history. It refuses to recognize the McMahan line which was drawn up by the colonial British power.
The problem for
To that end
As in other facets of the great rivalry,
As thing stand
3. The military imbalance
The real asymmetry in the Sino India relationship comes out of the military imbalance between the two countries. In 2007
From
The Chinese have a capability leap Vis a vis
Finally
When take with the unsolved border and the Chinese running rings around
Handling the dragon – own
1) Talk peace but prepare for war.
The Indian Navy will acquire long range spy aircraft from the
2) Beef up nuclear forces
Deterrence does not work without capability.
3) Build an international fund of maritime democracies
3) Keep
4) Learn from
There is a lot to learn from
5) Build on the
The next big development in world affairs could be the momentum of the US India deal. This grand strategy however needs to be played out cautiously. Just as
6) Expose the soft power of china within
7
Thursday, May 28, 2009
The sensex turns
Ninad Dhirubhai Sheth
On the Richter scale, the victory of the Manmohan Singh lead UPA government, can only be described as super seismic. As if on cue, the stock market went ballistic, rising 2110.79 points and shattering the circuit in 60 seconds.
This is the fastest ever single day rise of the Bombay sensitive index, indeed it is the fastest single day rise anywhere in the world. Although it was all over in just a minute - it added a phenomenal 566,881 crore in investor wealth.
So will the party last of are there enough structural issues that will ensure that a bear grip stays on the stock market?
Says Vikas Seth, director of my money securities, an investment firm, “The rally is real, however for it to be sustainable, two factors will be crucial, the first is fiscal deficit. Even at these levels it is posing a threat to the system as it accentuates government borrowing and crowds out private investment. The other thing to keep an eye on is the appetite that the new government will have for disinvestment of government owned public sector companies. On a positive side, the stability of this government will give it confidence for a bold budget and that will in itself provide a boost to the markets.”
The disinvestment plan of this government, according to finance ministry sources, is likely to be aggressive. It will aim at generating over 100,000 crore from the markets. There are 26 profit making PSU’s that could be on the block over the next few years. Says a Mumbai based banker, “Bombay is certainly bullish, and there is a lot of momentum expected on the disinvestment front. If the budget comes out with some bold reforms, and if, as is expected, the monsoons are good we may be looking at a major rally on the stock markets this year.”
One concern is that in two days the BSE listed stocks price earnings ratio shot up from 16.61 on may 15 to 19.48 on may 20th giving it a distinct casino feel. Says Ajay Parmar, head of equity research, at Enkay securities, a brokerage in Bombay,“The PE ratio will come down. While the mood is bullish one needs to wait for sequential policy measures to have an impact on the ground. Till then it would be a mistake to go euphoric at the rally. Wait is still the watch word. “
The prediction from various stock broking houses is looking optimistic. There is a momentum in the market and some believe that the market could reach as high as 20,000 by December. The consensus looks like the sensex reaching 16,000 levels.
Just as India enters a new period of stability, so the markets look set for a new phase of bullish activity. The time it appears is right for investing, not withstanding that some doubts remain on the fiscal front. Get set for what looks like the beginning of a new bull run on the Sensex. For the retail investor however it is important to add a dash of rationality to the exuberance on display.
Tuesday, March 17, 2009
The $10 billion dogfight
The $10 Billion dog fight
A slow down is not a recession
Saturday, January 24, 2009
joseph stiglitz ninad d sheth
‘Poor nations are the losers’
Nobel Prize winner Joseph Stiglitz tells Ninad D Sheth that globalisation has a direct linkage with Indian farmers commiting suicide
Professor Joseph Stiglitz is an authority on the ramifications of globalisation and its inherent contradictions. A former World Bank chief economist, he is an insider in this debate and has been sharply critical about the manner globalisation is being pushed all over the world. Prof Stiglitz won the Noble Prize in Economics in 2000 for his path-breaking work on the theory of ‘asymmetric information’. Recently in India, he spoke on globalisation and its myths, the IMF doublespeak and neo-con American pressures, and the stakes for poor countries in free markets of the ‘brave new world’.
You have said in your book that globalisation is not a win win….Yes. It is far from a win win. The poor countries have a lot to loose on all fronts. Indeed, they have lost a lot under the garb of this win win.
Externally, it puts them at a disadvantageous position in both trade and investment. Internally, it creates a connected elite that is numerically insignificant but is in the global orbit cornering the resources. To be honest, win win is the biggest myth of globalisation.
India is trapped in a paradox of globalisation where there is a possibility of opening too much without equally beneficial access to the West. Does this possibility worry you?
Yes. This is a real possibility. The trade platform is complex and as GATT and subsequent WTO sessions have demonstrated, trade can only be fair if the nations involved fight for their right. There is an uneven balance of power out there. On the issues of agriculture, investment and environment, India may come under tremendous pressure from both the US and the EU. The key would be two-folds, the attraction of Indian markets for the West and India’s own ability to forge an alliance with other countries to push issues. In the latest round the India-China-Brazil chain helped the setting of the agenda. The arrogance of the past is very much evident in the western stance; this has given way to a realisation that this is a new equation. However, the US retains a capability in diplomacy and economics to cut side deals and push its own agenda.
What about the impact on environment of global markets supply chains? You seem to say that it could be a doomsday environment…
This is one of the least studied impacts of globalisation. The environmental impact by its very nature will be drastic. The ability to strip countries bare for centralised profit is starker then ever. Globalisation ensures that commodity prices remain low for a very long period of time. Farmers’ suicides in many poor countries are linked not only to local conditions but also to the supply chain generated by globalisation.
Professor, you were in many ways an insider at the World Bank. When did the turning point come? When did you realise that something was amiss in the fund-bank prescriptions?
There was a slow but sure realisation. In Ethiopia in the late 1980s, I saw that all the IMF was doing with regard to tightening of the structure to lower the budget deficit, or with financial markets and currency stability, was frankly absurd. That on the ground it was leading to massive real deprivation. I pointed it out to the IMF but they were just not receptive. The free market consensus was gospel. There was absolutely no response from the Fund. The bank was supportive initially but the Fund saw no reason to deviate from the chosen path.
The East Asia crisis that followed truly made you choose a different path….
Yes, no doubt. The IMF had a wrong call after another in East Asia. I realised soon enough that the ‘Washington consensus’ was not having any patience for individual prescriptions.
You profess that the free market has an ‘asymmetry of information’. This loads the market in favour of a few players who have the information. Do you agree that recent developments in information technology and its wide availability have cut through these asymmetries?
That is a good question. While information technology has without doubt made strides, there are certain sorts of asymmetries that information technology can overcome very quickly. However, IT has not reduced all the market asymmetries. For example, IT is useful for price information about homogeneous products. This can certainly correct price differentials in the market. The market has many more sources of information such as measuring productivity. And utilising information technology alone cannot do these.
But 360-degree feedback and other software does allow for better understanding of labour productivity as well.
Yes, but the problem is transparency and ownership of the information and the leverage derived thereof. This information is not freely available and thus creates market imperfection.
India has $100 billion of reserves but seems to be at its wits end as to what to do with it.
Yes, it is a tough call. It raises difficult trade offs. You can’t employ these simply in bonds or gold for the yield is only between one and three percent. It is better to pour it into domestic infrastructure creation. However, if you create domestic infrastructure only with foreign reserves it would lead to currency appreciation and in the long run hit job creation; that is a difficult trade-off. The way out is to have an 80-20 mix between the reserve and domestic capital spending on infrastructure. The domestic part can come through taxes for example and that will not lead to currency appreciation or loss of jobs. So my call on the $100 billion is to have 80-20 reserves and domestic ratio through tax collection and that will ensure that there is no currency appreciation.
Is there no other way?
Some countries choose to borrow from the markets but given the high fiscal deficit that is not an option for India. If exports are to be protected and job creation is a priority, I see no other way except a mix to raise that money.
You are a great champion of subsidies. For example, in fertilisers here subsidies miss their target those who do not need it corner it the most.
I do not deny that subsidies can be appropriated by the politically vocal. There are ways and means—both conventional and creative—to so design subsidies that they reach the desired ends. We did this with the Clinton administration. There are ways one has to ensure that structural parameters are worked out and fine-tuned.
Since you left, has the IMF ‘mended’ its ways at all?
Yes, they have been receptive. There is a realisation that in East Asia the fiscal measures were too strong. That the bailout problems were mishandled. The IMF has even come out with a paper recently that says that capital market privatisation is not necessarily good for growth. However, in its basic tenor such as emphasis on inflation over unemployment, emphasis on privatisation, and the singular approach to complex problems—it has not changed as much as I would like. On transparency there is no change at all. For example, the executive directors of the IMF still vote in secret.
Will IMF become more stringent in the George Bush unilateral era?
It’s not as simple as that. While the No. 2 person at the IMF is always US-imposed, many people around the world are saying why shouldn’t international institutes be really international, as opposed to American in character? I think that while the IMF will certainly face some neo-conservative pressures it may also face the tide form the other side.
The poorer countries have been aggressive in trade but not in finance…
Yes, they seem to think they need the money. Which is true. But these are not grants; the developing world has an excellent record in returning loans. I think that there is a growing realisation that economic issues are complex and each solution is different. The IMF too will need to pay heed.
Apart from Malaysia, which other country has done well in bucking the IMF’s call?
China. It almost totally ignores the IMF. During the crisis and following it, China did exactly the opposite of what IMF’s position would have been. They lowered the interest rates, they provided billions of dollars in fiscal stimulus, they did not liberalise their capital markets and what have you got? Only 7 percent growth instead of 8 percent!
And Korea?
Korea too. It did not shut down the banks and opted for restructuring. They didn’t opt for forced restructuring either. And they did not close their chip plants and now the chip plants are back in favour and they are again competing globally and making money.